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Washington’s First Presidential Thanksgiving Proclamation, The Bill of Rights, and Establishment of Treasury Department (SOLD)
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“for the peaceable and rational manner in which we have been enabled to establish constitutions of government for our safety and happiness... for the civil and religious liberty with which we are blessed; and the means we have of acquiring and diffusing useful knowledge”

On October 3, 1789, the day after sending engrossed copies of the 12 Constitutional amendments passed by Congress out to the states for ratification, Washington issued America’s first Presidential Thanksgiving Proclamation. Both the Thanksgiving Proclamation and the Bill of Rights are printed here on the front page. This exceptional paper also includes a complete printing of “An Act to establish the Treasury Department” [p.1-2], and a September 10 report from North Carolina supporting the ratification of the Constitution now that passage of a bill of rights seemed likely: “The amendments... will undoubtedly satisfy the minds of all its [the Constitution’s] enemies. Not a door is left open for complaint....It is an almost unparalleled instance of a public body possessed of power abridging it, and fully contradicts the grand argument of the opponents of the Constitution, that, ‘if Congress are once possessed of the power vested in the Constitution, they never will relinquish or amend it conformable to our wishes’.”  [p. 2 col. 1]. The Chronicle also reports from New York that President Washington was about to embark on his famous tour of New England [p. 2, col. 3].

[GEORGE WASHINGTON]. Newspaper. The United States Chronicle. Providence, R.I.: Bennett Wheeler, October 22, 1789. 4 pp., 10 ½ x 17 in. With masthead featuring the seal of the United States and the fouled anchor “Hope” device of the state of Rhode Island.

Inventory #23813       SOLD — please inquire about other items

Partial Transcript

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas it is the duty of all Nations to acknowledge the providence of Almighty God, to obey his will, to be grateful for his benefits, and humbly to implore his protection and favor-- and whereas both Houses of Congress have by their joint Committee requested me to recommend to the People of the United States a day of public thanksgiving and prayer to be observed by acknowledging with grateful hearts the many signal favors of Almighty God especially by affording them an opportunity peaceably to establish a form of government for their safety and happiness.”

            Now therefore I do recommend and assign Thursday the 26th day of November next to be devoted by the People of these States to the service of that great and glorious Being, who is the beneficent Author of all the good that was, that is, or that will be-- That we may then all unite in rendering unto him our sincere and humble thanks--for his kind care and protection of the People of this Country previous to their becoming a Nation--for the signal and manifold mercies, and the favorable interpositions of his Providence which we experienced in the course and conclusion of the late war--for the great degree of tranquility, union, and plenty, which we have since enjoyed--for the peaceable and rational manner, in which we have been enabled to establish constitutions of government for our safety and happiness, and particularly the national One now lately instituted--for the civil and religious liberty with which we are blessed; and the means we have of acquiring and diffusing useful knowledge; and in general for all the great and various favors which he hath been pleased to confer upon us.

            And also that we may then unite in most humbly offering our prayers and supplications to the great Lord and Ruler of Nations and beseech him to pardon our national and other transgressions-- to enable us all, whether in public or private stations, to perform our several and relative duties properly and punctually--to render our national government a blessing to all the people, by constantly being a Government of wise, just, and constitutional laws, discreetly and faithfully executed and obeyed--to protect and guide all Sovereigns and Nations (especially such as have shewn kindness unto us) and to bless them with good government, peace, and concord--To promote the knowledge and practice of true religion and virtue, and the encrease of science among them and us--and generally to grant unto all Mankind such a degree of temporal prosperity as he alone knows to be best.

            Given under my Hand, at the City of New=York, the third day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine.                                            GEORGE WASHINGTON

[The old style printing of the “s” as an “f” is transcribed in the modern style for ease of reading.]

Historical Background

On September 25, 1789, as the momentous first Federal Congress drew to its close in New York, the new national capital, Representative Elias Boudinot introduced a resolution calling on President Washington to “recommend to the people of the United States a day of public thanksgiving and prayer … acknowledging, with grateful hearts, the many signal favors of Almighty God, especially by affording them an opportunity peaceably to establish a form of government for their safety and happiness.” A leading opponent of the resolution, Thomas Tudor Tucker, asked, “Why should the President direct the people to do what, perhaps, they have no mind to do?” The skeptical Congressman noted that the people “may not be inclined to return thanks for a Constitution until they have experienced that it promotes their safety and happiness.” He also argued that it was a religious matter and thus proscribed to the new government. South Carolina Representative Aedanus Burke balked at the idea of a federally-imposed day of thanks, stating he “did not like this mimicking of European customs, where they made a mere mockery of thanksgivings.” Despite opposition, Boudinot and his colleagues in the House passed the resolution. The Senate concurred on September 28.

Later that day, after months of discussion and debate, the House examined the final text of the proposed amendments, and “found the said bills and articles of amendment…to be truly enrolled.” Frederick Muhlenberg, Speaker of the House, and John Adams, Vice President of the United States and President of the Senate, added their signatures to engrossed copies which were sent to the President to forward to the states for ratification. (The first two articles were not ratified at the time, so articles three through twelve actually became the Bill or Rights upon Virginia’s approval on December 15, 1790.) The First Federal Congress adjourned the next day.

George Washington had anticipated the question of a Thanksgiving Proclamation in a letter to James Madison a month earlier; he readily agreed. When doing so, he employed the exact language of the Congressional resolution to begin his proclamation, then went further, giving thanks for “tranquility, union, and plenty” and asking the Almighty to guide the new nation’s leaders and government. He used the same approach a year later when he wrote what is now one of his most celebrated letters. In his letter to the Newport Hebrew Congregation Washington echoed Moses Seixas’s opposition to bigotry and added to it, just as he did in his Thanksgiving Proclamation when asking the Almighty “To render our national government a blessing to all the people, by constantly being a Government of wise, just, and Constitutional laws, discreetly and faithfully executed and obeyed.”

Washington was celebrating two things in his Proclamation: first, that the United States had emerged victorious from a long war with the world’s greatest military power and second, that the nation was just implementing a new government designed to balance necessary powers with strong protections of individual rights. “Peaceably” establishing a new government was worth singling out; it reflected understanding that the danger of disunion had been avoided during the heated debate over the Constitution’s ratification.

Establishing the National Holiday

The American public enthusiastically accepted Washington’s Thanksgiving Proclamation. Newspapers printed it, citizens celebrated across the country, and churches used the occasion to solicit donations for the poor. George Washington personally responded, contributing $25. In 1795, noting “the unexampled prosperity of all classes of our citizens,” Washington issued his only other Presidential Thanksgiving Proclamation, calling on Americans to “acknowledge our many and great obligations to Almighty God and to implore him to continue and confirm the blessings we experience.”

John Adams and James Madison would also issue Thanksgiving Proclamations, but days of Thanksgiving typically remained state holidays. Abraham Lincoln was the next president to issue national Thanksgiving Proclamations. He began by closing government departments for a day in 1861, and in March 1863, he called for a day of “national humiliation, fasting, and prayer.” He issued another, assigning August 6, 1863, as a day of “National Thanksgiving.” Soon after, Lincoln was moved by a letter from Sarah Josepha Hale, who had lobbied the four prior presidents unsuccessfully to make Thanksgiving a third national holiday in addition to Independence Day and Washington’s Birthday. On October 3, 1863, exactly 74 years after George Washington’s Proclamation, Lincoln established the fourth Thursday in November as an annual national day of Thanksgiving.

The Bill of Rights

A Bill of Rights was a central feature of most state Constitutions, and the lack of one was a principal criticism of the recently-drafted federal Constitution. To ensure ratification, the delegates to the Constitutional Convention promised that the Congress would address guarantees of specific liberties in their first session. Additionally, during the ratification process, five states approved the Constitution and passed along lists of proposed amendments. Two states that had refused to ratify (Rhode Island and North Carolina) nonetheless suggested amendments. In all, nearly one hundred discrete amendments were offered.

On July 21, 1789, the House formed a Committee of Eleven (one member from each state—Rhode Island and North Carolina had not yet joined the Union) to consider proposed amendments. The Committee made its report on July 28, taking the nine broad areas Madison had suggested for amendment and drafting 17 individual amendments for House approval. These passed the House on August 24, and the Senate began their debate the next day. The Senate passed its own version with 12 amendments on September 9. Wrangling over language continued for the next two weeks in committee, mostly over what would ultimately become the 1st and 6th Amendments. The House agreed on September 24, the Senate the next day, and the official copies were signed on September 28.

Then, twelve articles of amendment were sent to the states for ratification on October 2, 1789. Two of the twelve proposed amendments, the first regarding apportionment of representation in the House and the second, congressional salaries, were not ratified by the states, so only articles three through twelve became the first ten amendments. However, article #2, which stated that Congressional pay increases (or decreases) would not take effect until an election had ensued, eventually became the 27th Amendment on May 8, 1992, 203 years after it was first proposed.

Excerpt

“The following is an accurate Copy of the proposed Amendments to the new Constitution, transmitted by the President of the United States to the Legislature of this State.

CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES, Begun and held at the City of New-York, in Wednesday, the Fourth of March, One Thousand Seven Hundred Eighty-Nine.

The Convention of a Number of the States having, at the Time of their adopting the Constitution, expressed a Desire, in Order to prevent Misconstruction or Abuse of its Powers, that further declaratory and restrictive Clauses should be added: and as extending the Ground of public Confidence in the Government will best insure the beneficent Ends of its Institution,

            RESOLVED, by the Senate, and House of Representatives, of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, Two Thirds of both Houses concurring, That the following Articles be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as Amendments to the Constitution of the United States: All, or any of, which Articles, when ratified by Three-Fourths of the said Legislatures, to be valid to all Intents and Purposes as Part of the said Constitution, viz.

ARTICLES in Addition to, and Amendment of, the Constitution of the United States of America, proposed by Congress, and ratified by the Legislatures of the several States, pursuant to the Fifth Article of the original Constitution.

Article the First- [not ratified]
After the first enumeration required by the first article of the Constitution, there shall be one Representative for every thirty thousand, until the number shall amount to one hundred, after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress, that there shall be not less than one hundred Representatives, nor less than one Representative for every forty thousand persons, until the number of Representatives shall amount to two hundred; after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress, that there shall not be less than two hundred Representatives, nor more than one Representative for every fifty thousand persons.

Article the Second- [27th Amendment - Ratified 1992]
No law, varying the compensation for the services of the Senators and Representatives, shall take effect, until an election of Representatives shall have intervened.

Article the Third [1st Amendment]
Congress shall make no law respecting the establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.

Article the Fourth [2nd Amendment]
A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.

Article the Fifth [3rd Amendment]

No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

Article the Sixth [4th Amendment]
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized....

                        FRED. A.  MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives

            JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate…

[Report immediately following the Treasury Act on page 2, column 1]

Wilmington (North-Carolina) Sept. 10

The Amendments in the Constitution of the United States… will undoubtedly satisfy the minds of all its enemies. Not a door is left open for complaint, should the amendments be ratified … Every friend of the Union may now with pleasure anticipate the adoption of the Constitution by the State, and of its again becoming one of its members.    

            The enemies to the Federal Constitution in this State, says a correspondent, have nothing to boast in the completion of so desirable an object to them, as amendments to the Constitution, this State not being represented in Congress.

 It is almost unparalleled instance of a public body possessed of power abridging it, and fully contradicts the grand argument of the opponents to the Constitution, that “of Congress are once possessed of the power vested in the Constitution, they never will relinquish or amend its conformable to our wishes.”

Background on the United States Chronicle

From The Documentary History of the Ratification of the  Constitution  Digital  Edition, ed.  John  P.  Kaminski, Gaspare J. Saladino, Richard Leffler, Charles H. Schoenleber  and Margaret A. Hogan. Charlottesville: University of  Virginia Press, 2009:

The  Providence  United  States  Chronicle

Bennett  Wheeler  (c.  1753 –1806),  a  native  of  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia, arrived  in Providence in September 1776,  and  after  a  few  months  he  began  working  for  the  Providence Gazette,  remaining  there  until  December  1778.  In March  1779  Wheeler  formed  a  partnership  with Solomon Southwick  to  publish The  American  Journal; and General  Advertiser in Providence. Southwick left the firm  in  December  1779,  and  Wheeler  printed  the paper until  August  1781, after  which  he continued working  as  a  job printer.  On  Thursday,  1  January  1784, Wheeler published the first  issue of The United States  Chronicle: Political, Commercial, and Historical. The Chronicle continued  to appear on Thursdays  and  by  1788  “circulated  in  every  town  in  the  State”  (“A  Rhode­‐Island Landholder,” United States Chronicle, 20  March  1788).  The United  States  Chronicle, as  historian  Carol  Sue  Humphrey  has  demonstrated,  devoted  more  space  to  the  publication  of  essays  about  the  Constitution  than  any  other  Rhode  Island  newspaper.  Moreover,  declares  Humphrey,  Wheeler’s  publication  of  these  essays  was  “remarkably  balanced.”  The United  States  Chronicle devoted  71.75  columns  in  support  of  the  Constitution  and  75.25  columns  opposing  it.  The  latter  figure considerably  exceeded  the  amount  of  space  allotted  to  pieces  opposing  the  Constitution in  either  the  Providence  Gazette or  the Newport  Herald,  which  together  printed  only 45.50  such  columns. Beginning  on  6  March  1788  Wheeler  printed  reports  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Rhode  Island  legislature.  Not  referring  to  arch-Federalist  Peter  Edes’s  legislative  reports  in  his Newport  Herald, Wheeler  gave  his  reasons  for  publishing  the  legislature’s proceedings: It  being  the  Wish  of  almost  every  Man  in  the  State,  that  the  Proceedings  of  the  Legislature  should  be  regularly  published,  as  soon  after  their  Meeting  as  possible,  the  Editor  of  the  Chronicle  attended  at  the  late Session,  in  order,  as  far  as  in  his  Power,  to  gratify  the  Wishes  of  the  Public. — Having  but  a  very  imperfect Knowledge  of  Short-Hand Writing,  he  has  not  been  able  to  do  Justice  to  the  Debates — but  thus  far  he engages,  that the  Votes  are  accurately  stated,  and  that  all  the  Ideas  here  found  fell  from  some  or  other  of the  Gentlemen  speaking.— His  Aim  is  to  be  of  Service  in  the  Line  of  his Profession,  and he  hopes  this  first Attempt,  in  this  Way,  will  meet  the  Candour  of  the  Public. Wheeler’s efforts  to  provide  a  balanced  view  of the  debate  over  the  Constitution  were  not  appreciated  by  some Federalists.  “Marplot,  Jun.”  in  the  Newport Herald,  9 April  1789,  charged  that  the  printer  of  the United  States Chronicle “assiduously” attended  every legislature  in  order  “to  pay  his  court  to  the paper  money  majority”  and that  the  printer  “was  in  fact  admitted into  the sanctum  sanctorum of the late grand nocturnal  convention  at East-Greenwich!— These  things,  it  is  true, seem  to  be  directly  in  the  face  of  the federalism of  the  Printer  of the United  States  Chronicle.”  “Marplot, Jun.” admitted  that,  while  some  readers  looked  upon  Wheeler  as  an Antifederalist, others viewed  him  as a Federalist.

On  23  April  1789  Wheeler  apparently left it to essayists to make it easier for him to demonstrate his impartiality when he published this notice: “The printing of controversial, or Party Pieces, being attended  with much extra Trouble—in  future we shall expect PAY for all such inserted in the Chronicle — as is the Custom in other Places.” On 5 December 1789 “Veritas,” writing in the Providence Gazette, was angered by “the snarlings of certain demagogues of power” who used the United States Chronicle “to set the mechanic interest of this town at variance with the mercantile … making  discord  the  constant source of  their importance.” These “restless  beings” had discharged their “venom so often and copiously” in the Chronicle. “Veritas” asserted that economic difficulties were not brought  about  by any class  but that  these  difficulties “have arisen from the nature  and  present  situation of our government, which has sunk both  public and private credit in one common vortex of destruction.”

Cite as: The Documentary History of the Ratification of the  Constitution  Digital  Edition, ed.  John  P.  Kaminski, Gaspare J. Saladino, Richard Leffler, Charles H. Schoenleber  and Margaret A. Hogan. Charlottesville: University of  Virginia Press, 2009. Original source: Ratification by the States, Volume  XXIV: Rhode Island, No.1